what can i do to help youth violence

Introduction

Background

This report summarises bachelor international testify of what works to forestall youth violence. The style in which youth violence is conceptualised is contested as there is no universally agreed international definition of youth, and violence is defined variably beyond different contexts and ideological interests (Batchelor, Armstrong, & MacLellan, 2019).

In line with the World Health Organisation (WHO) nosotros have taken the decision to adopt a wide definition of youth violence, which encompasses "violence that occurs amid individuals aged 10–29 years who are unrelated and who may or may not know each other, and generally takes place outside of the domicile" (2015: v). Youth Violence occurs most often in community settings, between acquaintances and strangers, and tin take many forms: from threats (with or without weapons), bullying and physical fighting to more astringent sexual and physical assault, and homicide (WHO, 2020).^[half-dozen]  Youth violence can also accept the course of domestic corruption, which involves whatever form of concrete, exact, sexual, psychological or financial corruption perpetrated by a partner or ex-partner^[7]. Among romantically involved but unmarried adolescents information technology is often referred to as dating violence or intimate partner violence (WHO, 2016). Also as having concrete and psychological consequences for young people, youth violence can have a negative impact on families and the wider community (Bellis, 2017).

Youth violence within a Scottish context

Scottish Government's Justice Belittling Services (JAS) is currently undertaking a programme of analytical work around violence in Scotland. A range of statistical sources are utilised to provide an business relationship of the magnitude, scope and characteristics of violence within this context. These measure unlike types of violence and include (i) Scottish Crime and Justice Survey (SCJS), (ii) Constabulary Recorded Law-breaking and (iii) Criminal Proceedings data. Using these sources, bespoke analyses^[eight] of data pertaining to not-sexual violence in immature people aged x to 29 was conducted to provide insights into youth violence within Scotland.

The SCJS is a face-to face victimisation survey, where randomly selected individuals aged xvi and over living in private residential households in Scotland are asked well-nigh their experiences and perceptions of offense over the last 12 months. The survey captures a range of offences and provides some details of the crimes experienced by individuals, which may not have been reported to the constabulary. Despite a autumn in tearing victimisation rates for 16 to 24^[ix] year olds over the by decade, this age group has re-emerged in the 2018/xix Scottish Crime and Justice Survey as the cohort well-nigh likely to report being the victim of violence. Looking at those anile 16 to 29, in line with the definition of youth violence in this report, almost 1 in xx young people (4.6%) reported experiencing violence in 2018/xix.

Constabulary Recorded Crime data captures a broad range of non-sexual trigger-happy crime. This statistical source is particularly useful when examining patterns of low-volume crimes that are challenging to access through victimisation surveys. Analysis of a deep dive of this information demonstrates that between 2008/09 and 2017/18 there was a decrease of x percentage points in the proportion of victims of serious assault and attempted murder who were aged between ten and 29 years old. This is mainly driven by a decrease in the sixteen to 29 age group. That being said, of the crimes sampled, 45% of victims in 2017/18 were young people anile x to 29^[1]. In this ten twelvemonth period, there has as well been a reduction of 10 pct points in the proportion of perpetrators  of serious attack and attempted murder who were anile between 10 and 29 years erstwhile. Similarly, this was due to a reduction in the 16 to 29 historic period group. However, most one-half (47%) of the perpetrators in 2017/18 were young people aged 10 to 29^[two].

Scottish Regime Criminal Proceedings information provides details of offences dealt with by courts in Scotland, sentencing outcomes and characteristics of convicted offenders^[10]. This information shows that, within the 10-29 age grouping, at that place has been a substantial reduction in courtroom proceedings and convictions relating to Grouping ane^[11] Non-sexual crimes of violence over the past ten years. This was besides found to be the case for cases involving mutual assault. Whilst encouraging, over six,000 main charges of violent crimes and common attack dealt with by the court in 2018/19 involved young people aged 10-29 years old. Within this age grouping, these proceedings resulted in 4,762 convictions^[12].

Although information from established sources suggests substantial progress has been made in reducing violent law-breaking involving young people in Scotland during the past decade, youth violence remains a key public wellness priority. Moreover, when considering these figures from Scotland alongside concerns that the indirect social and economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic may lead to an increase in youth violence (Irwin-Rogers, Muthoo, & Billingham, 2020), there's a pressing demand to meliorate understand what works to forestall violence betwixt immature people in order that those who are at risk of becoming involved can be best supported.

Aim of this report

This report is intended to be a useful resource for policy and practitioners, cartoon together evidence of what is known about what works in preventing youth violence.

This report aims to:

• Synthesise existing evidence about the effectiveness about youth violence prevention interventions and signpost to further show to help inform determination making.
• Provide a articulate indication of the effectiveness of an intervention based on a disquisitional assessment of the bachelor evidence base.
• Provide information around barriers and facilitators to the successful implementation of interventions.

Determining prevention levels

Inside this study, we examine interventions that seek specifically to forestall youth violence. The post-obit WHO (2002) definition^[thirteen] of prevention levels have been adopted:

• Chief prevention – approaches that aim to foreclose violence before it occurs
• Secondary prevention – approaches that focus on the more firsthand responses to violence, such as pre-hospital intendance or emergency services
• Tertiary prevention – approaches that focus on long-term care in the wake of violence, such as rehabilitation and reintegration, and attempts to lessen trauma or reduce the long-term disability associated with violence

This review focuses on master prevention approaches to youth violence. In focusing on prevention and early on intervention, this written report reflects the Scottish Authorities'south public health approach to violence prevention. Within the ScotPHN Violence Prevention Framework (2019:9), it has been noted that:

While all forms of prevention are of import, if we actively want to reduce new cases of violence in Scotland, meaning weight must be placed on a shared understanding of the public wellness arroyo with the effective pursuit of primary prevention as a key elective of this.

For successful primary prevention, early intervention is required that focuses on young people (WHO, 2010:2).

The public health approach acknowledges that the pathway to violence is complex and multifaceted, with causes at the private, relationship, community, and societal levels. As such, to forestall youth violence it is necessary to reduce take a chance and promote protective factors (Figure ane) at each of these levels. The testify reviewed within this written report reflects that the majority of available evaluation research concerns strategies that address risk factors at the private and human relationship levels. In that location are fewer result evaluations which focus on the affect of community- and club- level strategies.

Effigy one: Risk factors for violence across individual, relationship, community and societal level (Adjusted from WHO, 2017b)

Graphic text

Societal

Rapid social alter Gender, social and economic inequalities Poverty Weak economical prophylactic nets Poor rule of law Cultural norms that back up violence/aggression towards others

Community

Poverty Loftier crime levels/community violence Poor neighbourhood back up Loftier residential mobility Loftier unemployment/macerated economic opportunity Local illicit drug trade Situational factors

Relationship

Poor parenting/parent-child relationships Marital discord/ family unit disharmonize Low socioeconomic household status Friends that engage in violence Isolation/lack of social support

Individual

Experience of ACEs Poor mental health Alcohol/substance abuse History of violent behaviour History of tearing victimisation Depression educational attainment

Report Approach

This study identified relevant existing evidence reviews and reports, such as those produced by the World Health Organisation (WHO) and used these as a starting point from which to explore show on what works to prevent youth violence. Consultation has taken identify with academics and cardinal experts in the field and they have been involved in quality assuring drafts of the written report.

Information technology is important to note that this study is non an exhaustive and definitive account of the evidence in this surface area. Rather, it constitutes a collation of evidence that was identified and accessed during the fourth dimension available. Information technology focuses on the most mutual interventions, assessing their effectiveness and signposting to relevant evidence. This work aims to be a foundation upon which new and existing research tin can be added as information technology becomes available or is identified in the futurity^[14].

To acknowledge the overlaps between different forms of violence inside sure interventions, this report has been structured past intervention-type, rather than violence-type. However, where an intervention related explicitly to i course of youth violence, this has been highlighted.

Out of scope interventions

Within this report, sure interventions were classed as across the current telescopic. Two possible reasons for beingness out of scope were identified:

i) Topic out of scope – areas which are wider than preventing violence^[15] and where the policies relating to this would sit outwith the remit of Justice Analytical Services, and/or where interventions focus exclusively on reducing violence perpetration in young people (rather than preventing it from happening).

Analysts inside Justice Analytical Services at The Scottish Government are working to update the 2015 publication What Works to Reduce Reoffending: A Summary of the Evidence and such interventions (e.g. therapeutic interventions) sit better within the context of that report than this ane.

ii) Evidence base of operations out of scope: i.east. we take looked at the evidence base, but information technology does not directly accost violence related outcomes, therefore we cannot draw trustworthy conclusions regarding the affect of such interventions on violence prevention or reduction.

Due to limited available evidence, toll, and cost effectiveness have besides non been covered within this report.

Assessment of effectiveness of interventions

Decision-making tools (effectiveness classification criteria and decision tree) were developed to inform the process undertaken in synthesising the available show (encounter Annex B, C and D). These tools were developed for, and initially implemented within, the Scottish Regime report What Works to Forbid Violence Against Women and Girls: A Summary of the Prove. They have been adopted within this study to ensure a consistent and transparent approach to classifying the effectiveness of interventions to prevent violence. In item, the following aspects are considered in classifying the available evidence:

• The relevance of the evidence: must include outcomes related to violence prevention/reduction or take chances factors or intermediate outcomes for violence
• What the evidence says virtually the effectiveness of the intervention
• The forcefulness of the bachelor testify (meet Annex B on methodology)

The following half dozen colour-coded categories of effectiveness^[16] are used throughout:

Effective (Green)

Promising (Amber)

Mixed (Amber)

No effect (Red)

Negative effect/potentially harmful (Carmine)

Inconclusive (Grey)

It should be noted that the inconclusive category is:

• distinct from the no effect^[17] category
• is based on insufficient bear witness to make a judgement on impact of an intervention (e.m. but pilot evaluations available)
• indicates the need for further research and evidence before conclusions can be drawn on the effectiveness of an intervention

School and teaching-based programmes

Classification: Constructive

Background

School and education-based programmes can be Universal (i.east., delivered to all pupils in a year group or school) or can be Targeted at those who are considered to be at increased risk of engaging in youth violence. They typically aim to "build their skills, cognition, and motivation to choose irenic behaviours and conflict resolution approaches" (David-Ferdon & Simon, 2014). Programmes that take this approach include bullying prevention programmes, social and emotional development programmes, and dating violence prevention programmes.

The WHO Applied Handbook on School-Based Violence Prevention highlights that:

Schools can exist ideal places for activities aimed at preventing violence. They can involve many immature people at i time, influencing them early on in life. Skilled teachers tin can deliver violence prevention programmes and act every bit significant part models outside of family or community life.

Available Testify

Bullying prevention programmes

Bullying (including cyberbullying) refers to "unwanted aggressive behaviour past another child or group of children who are neither siblings nor in a romantic human relationship with the victim. Information technology involves repeated physical, psychological or social harm, and oft takes place in schools and other settings where children gather, and online" (WHO, 2019)

Bullying prevention or anti-bullying programmes have been consistently shown to reduce bullying perpetration and victimisation, as well as improving bystander responses or attitudes and beliefs about bullying (Bellis et al., 2017; Zych et al., 2015). An international systematic review conducted by Gaffney et al (2019a) estimated that on boilerplate, anti-bullying programmes were able to reduce bullying behaviours past about 19-20%, and rates of existence bullied by 15-16%.

Whilst a growing body of bear witness provides support for the potential role of bullying prevention programmes in reducing interest in cyberbullying (Gaffney et al., 2019b) farther research in this area is necessary. Going forward, this piece of work will be of import given that cyberbullying and cyber victimisation are predicted to go an increasing challenge within modern gild. Moreover, there are concerns that cyberbullying has the potential to crusade as much (or more) harm than traditional bullying due to the relative anonymity of perpetrators in many cases, larger audiences, the potential of 24/7 access to engineering science, and the permanence of posted messages (Campbell, 2019). As there is frequently an overlap between offline and online bullying, in that location is a need for more research examining whether these type of behaviour should be targeted simultaneously and if information technology is possible to do so effectively (Gaffney et al., 2019b)

One of the most widely researched and best-known bullying prevention programme is the Olweus Bullying Prevention Programme. This program aims to reduce existing bullying problems amongst school pupils, prevent the evolution of new bullying problems, and amend peer relations at school (Olweus & Limber, 2010). Information technology uses a whole-schoolhouse approach^[eighteen] which includes: implementation of clear schoolhouse rules and management structures for bullying; preparation for staff; a classroom curriculum for students; awareness raising for parents; improvements to the physical school environment; and the use of evaluation tools. As such information technology has been noted that the Olweus Bullying Prevention Program should be regarded as a coordinated drove of inquiry based components^[19] that grade a unified, multi-level, whole school approach to bullying (Olweus & Limber, 2019).

The programme has shown to reduce kid reports of both perpetrating and being a victim of bullying behaviour (Gaffney, Farrington & Ttofi, 2019a); Limber et al., 2018; Olweus et al., 2019). Overall, effects were stronger the longer the programme had been in place. The Olweus Bullying Prevention Programme was initially adult and tested in Norway and has since been evaluated with young people in the The states. It has also been implemented within the UK, but further evaluation is required inside the context.

Another case of an effective bullying prevention program is KiVa, which according to the WHO "takes a whole school approach, incorporating curricula, online games, work with bullies and victims, materials for teachers, and a guide for parents. It aims to improve social and emotional skills, influence group norms and bystander behaviour, and create a climate of non-bullying in classrooms and the rest of the school" (WHO, 2019: 29). It does so through discussions, short videos, and learning-by-doing exercises and the lessons are accompanied past online games tailored to each age group.

In randomised controlled trials in Finland and Italy, KiVa was institute to significantly reduce rates of being bullied and bullying behaviour in children anile ten-12 years old (Karna et al., 2011; Nocentini et al, 2017; White, 2019). The furnishings of the programme were apparent beyond various forms of bullying, including cyber bullying and victimization (Salmivalli, Kärnä, & Poskiparta, 2011; Williford et al., 2013). Moreover, the program influenced bystanders' behaviours, students' anti-bullying attitudes, and their empathy towards victimized peers (Kärnä, Voeten, Lilliputian, Poskiparta, Kaljonen, et al., 2011; Saarento, Boulton, & Salmivalli. Impacts on bullying perpetration and victimisation were too reported post-obit a trial of the programme in Wales (Clarkson, Charles & Saville, 2019).

Moderating factors

Potential facilitators

A contempo systematic review of reviews relating to youth violence prevention from Kovalenko et al (2020:vii) provided recommendations on how to improve the effectiveness of programmes that aim to prevent bullying. The authors propose that "anti-bullying programs should be well planned (Vreeman & Carroll, 2007), intensive, and of longer elapsing (Ttofi & Farrington, 2011).

Curricula should exist based on theories of bullying perpetration and victimization (Baldry & Farrington, 2007) and include training in:

• Empathy (Polanin et al., 2012; Ttofi & Farrington, 2011)
• Social perspective-taking (Ttofi & Farrington, 2011; Vreeman & Carroll, 2007)
• Emotional control
• Problem-solving
• Peer counselling

Whole-school approaches involving school rules and sanctions should exist used to prompt student and teacher training.

Howard et al. (1999) argued that programs should use multiple delivery modes, including media (east.chiliad., video), face-to-face interaction, and concrete-environment redesign and ensure consistency and complementarity across modes.

Ttofi and Farrington (2011) suggested that families should be involved in planning and implementation. Student needs, schoolhouse climate (Polanin et al., 2012), and playground supervision (eastward.yard., identification of "hot spots," Ttofi & Farrington, 2011) should be considered. Bullying behaviors should be regarded as group processes where each participant has their role and social status and treated accordingly (Polanin et al., 2012). Ttofi and Farrington (2011) suggested that secondary school programs could be more effective because of decreasing impulsiveness and increasing rational decision making. Thus, historic period-tailored programs are needed".

Potential barriers

Olweus and Limber (2019) note that educators who seek to implement the programme in their school can confront some challenges. These include:

• Resistance and scepticism on the role of administrator and staff effectually the problem of bullying (i.e. underestimating the frequency and consequences of bullying, besides as the ability of youth to effectively accost it without adult support)
• Lack of readiness of school staff to implement and sustain a comprehensive effort^[xx]
• Implementation the components of the programme with allegiance. In light of the competing demands placed on teachers' fourth dimension and resources, those responsible for implementing the plan may exist more inclined to adopt programme elements that announced less demanding relative to those that require more time, attention, and training (Olweus & Limber, 2010a)
• Unexpected changes that burden the school staff (east.m. staff turnover, modify of the caput teacher, problems with the school building, challenging classrooms, changes to/demanding curriculum)

Social, emotional, and life skills development programmes

At that place is international evidence that programmes that seek to develop young people'south social, emotional, and life skills can have a positive bear upon on a range of violence related outcomes (i.e., perpetration and victimisation (Bellis et al., 2012; Bellis et al., 2017; David-Ferdon, 2016)). Moreover, the WHO INSPIRE package highlights increasing admission to social-emotional learning and life-skills training every bit one of seven key strategies to have shown success in ending violence confronting children (including youth violence) (WHO, 2016).

Wilson and Lipsey (2017) synthesised the results of 249 studies that examined the bear on of social, emotional, and life skills development programmes on aggressive and confusing behaviours. These programmes reduced violent outcomes in immature people (such every bit fighting, hit, and bullying) by 25%.

According to WHO (2015) these skills include:

• problem-solving
• critical thinking
• advice
• decision-making
• creative thinking
• relationship skills
• self-sensation building
• empathy
• coping with stress and emotions

An example of an intervention that takes this socio-emotional learning and skills-building approach is Promoting Culling Thinking Strategies (PATHS). This Universal intervention is a social and emotional development programme that is designed to be delivered by teachers and targets young people betwixt the ages of 3 and 12 years of age. The curriculum focuses on increasing self-control, feelings and relationships, and interpersonal and cognitive trouble solving. The PATHS program concepts should be used by all staff in the school including the senior management team, guidance teachers, and back up staff.  This provides a school-broad common language for emotional awareness, self-command, and problem solving.

The CDC Technical Packet for the Prevention of Youth Violence reports that "Multiple evaluations of PATHS show significant plan impacts on assailment, vehement behaviours, and a number of developmental risk factors for violent behaviour among participants" (David-Ferdon, 2016: 22). PATHS has been identified every bit a Model Program by Blueprints for Violence Prevention, which indicates that information technology is supported by a strong bear witness base (Mihalic, 2001). This programme has been implemented inside Scotland, and the UK more than broadly but evaluation is required to better understand the effectiveness of this intervention in preventing youth violence outcomes within this context.

Some other effective program which sets out prevent youth violence by improving young people'due south personal and social competence is Life Skills Training (WHO, 2009). This is a substance prevention programme that targets psychological and social factors known to promote the initiation of substance use and other risk behaviours (including violence). It comprises three major components: drug resistance skills, self-management skills, and full general social skills. Stronger prevention benefits take been found for youth who participated in at to the lowest degree one-half of the program. These included less physical and verbal assailment, fighting, and delinquency (Botvin et al., 2006).

Moderating factors

Potential facilitators

When looking at facilitators to the effectiveness of social and emotional learning (SEL) in general, Bowles et al (2017:6) note that "program selection should be based on a needs cess of the dissimilar factors that will impact program implementation at the school (due east.g., administrative support and feasibility; acceptance by teachers and administrators; cultural considerations). SEL programs should exist intensive, proactive, sustainable, embedded in broader efforts to create positive school climate, and address multiple levels of the schoolhouse context (Jimerson et al., 2012; Jimerson et al., 2010). All-time practise suggests implementing SEL within a multi-tiered system of supports framework (Jimerson, Burns, & VanDerHeyden, 2016). SEL programs need to be culturally sensitive and implemented in a culturally competent mode. In improver, careful and continued monitoring of the programs is necessary to ensure it is being implemented with fidelity". (p. seven)

Further, Clarke et al (2015:7) notes that the effective programmes identified in their review of school-based and out-of-school programmes in the UK shared a number of mutual characteristics. These include:

• Focus on teaching of skills, in particular the cerebral, melancholia and behavioural skills and competencies as outlined past The Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning (CASEL).
• Use of competence enhancement and empowering approaches
• Utilize of interactive teaching methods including role play, games and group work to teach skills (do skills they were taught)
• Well-divers goals and apply of a coordinated set of activities to achieve objectives
• Provision of explicit teacher guidelines through teacher training and programme manuals (due east.g. information technology is of import to have capable and motivated educators and provide them with proficient-quality grooming on the content of messages and how to deliver them)

When combined with teacher grooming and parental education, social development programmes may also provide longer term benefits (WHO, 2009). However, farther inquiry is required here as a limited body of enquiry focuses on the longer term effects of these programmes.

Dating violence prevention programmes

Classification: Promising

Inside the context of youth, dating violence tin be defined as "concrete, sexual, or psychological/emotional violence, including stalking, occurring within a teen dating human relationship" (Niolon et al., 2019:2). Given that young people typically begin dating for the starting time fourth dimension during adolescence, programmes that seek to prevent dating violence tend to target secondary school pupils. Overall, these programmes are based on the "assumption that these good for you attitudes and skills will carry through every bit they transition into after adolescent years and grade long-term intimate relationships" (Lundgren and Amin, 2015: 546).

According to the WHO School-Based Violence Prevention Handbook (2019:32), "these approaches aim to prevent and reduce violence in dating and intimate partner relationships through developing life skills, adding to children's knowledge of abuse, and challenging social norms and gender stereotypes that increase the risk of violence". At that place is promising bear witness that these interventions are effective in improving violence-related attitudes and knowledge. However, the evidence on behavioural outcomes is less clear (White 2019). Whilst research suggests that dating violence prevention programmes may reduce the number of young people who are exposed to or perpetrate violence against women and girls (physical, emotional, or sexual) within the context of an intimate partner human relationship, findings are non consistent (Kovalenko et al., 2020). Evaluations have largely focused on brusk-term outcomes and then the long term impact of these interventions on behavioural violence outcomes is not clear. Consequently, Ludgren and Amin (2015) noted that more research on school based interventions measuring violence as an consequence is needed.

Although evidence is promising for this arroyo overall, there is strong prove that Safe Dates is ane of the most effective school-based programmes for preventing unlike types of dating violence (i.eastward. physical, psychological, and sexual) (Lester et al., 2017).This intervention targets 12-18 year olds and promotes equal relationships. It "includes a number of dissimilar schoolhouse-based activities: a 10-calendar week curriculum looking at behaviour and attitudes associated with dating abuse (50 minutes a week), a play almost dating abuse and violence, a poster contest, and materials for parents such as newsletters. Aslope this, community activities such as support services and training for service providers are provided. In the U.s.a., the curriculum has been successful in reducing sexual, concrete and emotional corruption due to changes in dating-violence norms, gender role norms and knowledge of back up services" (WHO, 2019:33).

Safe Dates was recently adopted within Dating Matters: Strategies to Promote Health Teen Relationships^[21].

Bystander interventions have besides been implemented with the aim of preventing violence within the context of immature people'southward intimate partner relationships.

As highlighted in What Works to Foreclose Violence Against Women and Girls: A Summary of the Evidence, eyewitness^[22] approaches aim to modify: "gender caitiff attitudes, beliefs and cultural norms which back up abuse, and ultimately increasing pro-social eyewitness behaviour^[23] to forestall information technology" (Gainsbury et al. 2020:ii). Adopting a bystander approach involves understanding individuals as potentially empowered and active bystanders with the ability to support and challenge their peers in a safe fashion, rather than being understood as potential victims/survivors or perpetrators.

An example of bystander intervention designed to exist implemented with youth is the Mentors in Violence Prevention (MVP) program. Within the context of MVP , males and females are not looked at as potential victims/survivors or perpetrators but every bit empowered bystanders with the power to support and challenge peers^[24].

It is important to note that existing evaluations of bystander interventions with young people predominantly focus on attitudinal change, rather than the reduction of violence as an explicit outcome. This focus is, in office, due to the difficult nature of measuring Gender Based Violence.

Evaluations of MVP programmes in secondary schools in the United states have found positive results in changing pupils' attitudes and behaviours both in the shorter and longer-term (see Powell, 2011; and multi-year MVP evaluations here). MVP has been evaluated within three secondary schools in Scotland. However, further research is needed within this context.

Further detail on MVP , and its effectiveness in preventing gender based violence in youth, is presented within the report What Works to Forbid Violence Confronting Women and Girls: A Summary of the Evidence (2020). Every bit tin can other examples of interventions that apply a bystander approach (e.k. Coaching Boys into Men, Green Dot programme).

Moderating factors

Potential facilitators

Kovalenko et al 's (2020:vii) systematic review on constructive interventions to forbid youth violence  notes that program content should be "underpinned by evidence-based theories and accordingly tailored to the culture and needs of target audiences". Constructive dating and relationship violence programs involved:

• peer education
• apply of drama and poster activities
• education on legislation, personal rubber, consequences, health and sexuality, gender roles, healthy relationships, and the role of bystanders
• focus on conflict resolution, problem-solving, sexual decision making, and dealing with pressure
• be incorporated into school policies
• these programmes should clearly ascertain terms such as aggression, rape, and dating violence and be gender-specific or gender-neutral (De Koker et al., 2014)"

Moreover, according to WHO (2010:83): "Dating programmes are more constructive if they are delivered in multiple sessions over time (rather than in a single session) and if they aim to alter attitudes and norms rather than just provide information". Where programmes gear up out to change norms, at that place is the potential for violence also to exist reduced among those who oasis't received the programme through those who have via changes in norms within social networks and modelled eyewitness behaviours (Coker et al., 2016).

The WHO (2009:5) study on Violence Prevention: the Evidence propose that there is bear witness that "for men, programmes presented to mixed male and female groups are less effective in irresolute attitudes than those presented to all-male group".

Barriers

Fob et al. (2014) note that Britain evaluations of safe dating programmes accept "highlighted some of the challenges in terms of service delivery and suggestions for good practice, such as what should be taught (i.e. programme content), how it should be taught (due east.g. teaching methods) and who should deliver it (eastward.g. teachers or external organisations)" (Play a joke on et al., 2014:29).

With regards to bystander interventions, Williams and Neville'due south (2017) identified staff and mentor workload and a strain on fourth dimension equally potential barriers to the implementation of sustainable MVP programmes.

A WHO (2010:45) show review on preventing forms of VAWG ^[25] also identifies that additional research is required to:

Evaluate the effectiveness of dating violence prevention programmes in the longer term, when integrated with programmes for the prevention of other forms of violence, and when delivered outside North America and in resource-poor settings.

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Source: https://www.gov.scot/publications/works-prevent-youth-violence-summary-evidence/pages/4/

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